An examination of curriculum design, delivery and efficacy in teaching refugee children in North York by Coelho et al. (1990) suggests that certain teaching practices need to be changed. These include: modifying classroom language, development of alternative materials and an awareness of the linguistic demands of the subject. Recognition of these barriers may enhance the learning experience of refugee students. Kapriellian-Churchill (1996) and Yau (1995) build on these findings by examining the identification, assessment, placement and monitoring of the academic needs of refugee students. Both researchers recommend radical changes to the Canadian education system in order to accommodate the needs of refugee students.
Rousseau, Drapeau and Corin (1996) show that low academic achievements of refugee students are associated with emotional problems. They also find that even when their performance level is equal to or higher than that of Canadian-born students, refugee students are more often assigned to remedial classes than Canadian-born students. This presumes that refugees invariably encounter integration problems in the education system, thereby perpetuating a standardized treatment which may hinder their future education. Similarly, Henkin and Nguyen (1984) studied the self-esteem and academic achievements of 147 Laotian refugees in the American mid-west. They find that self-esteem diminishes as refugee students progress through the education system, and when compared to native-born and immigrant students, Laotian refugees had the lowest self-esteem. Ima and Rumbaut (1989) warn, however, that not all refugee students have emotional problems. Some require extra initiatives, while others need few interventions.
In the UK, Banafunzi (1996) argues that the secularized education system there does not address the cultural and religious needs of many refugee groups. He argues for the creation of separate community schools where cultural maintenance is practiced and which would allow students a gradual introduction to British culture. Grundy's (1994) research in Australia is different. Although she also recognizes the assimilationist nature of the school system, she does not suggest a separate school system, rather, she suggests changes to the existing system, much like the aforementioned Canadian studies.
Tsui and Sammons (1988) used a group intervention method to help Vietnamese refugee adolescents to adjust to American culture. The group meetings involved helped to transmit American values and included assertiveness training, social skills practice and sex education. But some research goes beyond the integration problems of refugees. Here education is seen by some researchers as a tool for mutual integration. Zima's (1988) study of Ethiopian refugee boys in Israel focused not only on their integration in the education system, but the integration of mainstream Israelis as well. In this way, this study emphasized that the integration process is a two-way process, involving both the refugees and the host society.
The needs of refugee adults in the education system are significantly different from those of their children. Strom et al. (1992) have studied parents and their difficulties communicating with their children, the preservation of their culture and the pressure to conform to Canadian values and beliefs. They suggest that regardless of language acquisition requirements, all refugees should be provided with integrative education to help them deal with their trauma and to adapt to their new home.
Khasiani (1990), Bankston (1995) and Tran (1988) examined the effect of education on the integration of female refugees from Vietnam. All asserted that education provided these women with the freedom to pursue occupations that are traditionally unavailable to them. Tran (1988) also found an effect on the gender differences in the acquisition of language. More Vietnamese men than women participated in language training and this resulted in a slower integration and lower social participation of some Vietnamese women.
The literature on language acquisition focuses mainly on ESL training. Although touted as a 'new and improved' form of language training, Taplin (1987) discusses how ESL has been an integral part of settlement on the Canadian prairies for the past century. Derwing and Munro (1987) and Pham (1987) suggest that ESL training is more than language training, it is part of the integration process. Specifically, ESL training is valuable in providing citizenship education and an introduction to Canadian society for newcomers.
Kosaka's (1995) comparison of resettlement in Germany and Japan finds language to be the most important influence on integration. The effectiveness of language training depends on three factors: (1) personal factors such as individual willingness to learn a new language and experience with more than one language; (2) amount of assistance given by service organizations in providing easily accessible language training and; (3) the nature and quality of interactions between refugees and members of the host society. In Germany, better language assistance is available, but the Japanese culture is more accepting of Vietnamese culture. Kosaka suggests that a combination of both strategies would provide the optimum advantage for refugees in obtaining language and social integration.